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Fritz Fisher "Germany's War Aims in the First World War" dwells on the tremendous amount of material collected primarily from the archives of the Central powers. It deals with one topic, and deals with it in methodical and exhaustive manner - a continuation of policy of War Aims of the Imperial Germany during the period immediately preceding and throughout the First World War. Germany, only united within the memory of the generation of 1914, was fighting the war not only for its rightful place as a European Great Power, but for a leading, pre-eminent place in the European and by extension the World balance of power. Germany was aiming to displace Britain as a traditional power broker in Europe, unite Austria-Hungary and other Central European powers in the economic and geo-political unit known as MittleEuropa, dominate Russia on its Eastern border and France on its Western. Bethman-Hollweg's (Chancellor for most of the War) vision of the post-war World was Germany dominating continental Europe, and 4 Great Powers (Germany, Britain, USA and Russia) sharing the World. France was to be eliminated as a World Power, Britain as a traditional European Power broker, and Russian desires for the warm sea port of Constantinople and expansion into Persian Golf to be forever denied. (Amazon customer)
- Sales Rank: #119108 in Books
- Published on: 1968-09-01
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.50" h x 1.55" w x 5.51" l, 1.95 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 652 pages
- ISBN13: 9780393097986
- Condition: New
- Notes: BRAND NEW FROM PUBLISHER! 100% Satisfaction Guarantee. Tracking provided on most orders. Buy with Confidence! Millions of books sold!
About the Author
Fischer is an assistant professor of history and history education at the University of Colorado.
Hajo Holborn was Sterling Professor of History at Yale University.
Most helpful customer reviews
6 of 7 people found the following review helpful.
Mea culpa teutonica
By Stephen Cowley
This is a controversial book from the 1960s that described Germany's war aims in World War 1 as expansive and imperialist in nature. The stress is on territorial aims, which included relations with the ports of the Low countries in the West, expansion into territories that were until recently under Soviet influence in the East and the idea of Mittelafrika (middle Africa) under which German colonies in East and West Africa (Tanzania, Cameroon, Namibia) would be united by takeover of the Belgian Congo and neighboring countries. The result is to present Germany's foreign policy as outside international norms in its expansionism.
This gave rise to a controversy that should probably be studied by anyone wanting a balanced view of the subject. It was the spirit of the times that the book itself made it into English and its views were widely accepted, prior to scholarly attention moving to World War 2. German domestic politics are also not addressed in the book save as they impinge on foreign policy. It gives an insight into German war aims, but possibly confuses speculative plans when victory was hoped for with actual negotiations. On the whole I found it readable and absorbing. The very scope of the thinking sometimes seems to belong to a bygone age of European ambitions.
32 of 38 people found the following review helpful.
Groundbreaking, Controversial Study!
By mwreview
Fischer's works regarding Germany and the First World War is a must for anyone interested in the events and decisions leading up to 1914 and for anyone interested in historiography. When Fischer unleashed this book in 1961, it created a tidal wave in the German historian community. Germany's Aims... challenged traditional views regarding the origins of the First World War and developed conclusions that were devastating to the reputations and memories of individuals and an entire nation.
The traditional view regarding the causes of the Great War, as explained by prominent German historians on the subject like Gehard Ritter, was that the leaders of Germany felt surrounded by the allied nations and thus entered the war for defensive reasons. Most historians outside of Germany agreed that Germany was not the sole culprit of 1914. The "guilt clause" in the Versailles Treaty is still almost universally condemned. Through an exhaustive study of documents out of Germany, Fritz Fischer comes up with a different--and shocking--conclusion: Germany was to blame.
Here are a few of the ways Fischer drew his conclusion: (1) Fischer considered the authoritarian nature of German society that allowed military forces to take over. (2) He looked at the economic situation that pressed German leaders to seek more annexations or, rather, a "place in the sun" (a Marxian approach not used by more traditional historians). (3) He regarded Chancellor Bethmann-Hollweg (a man with plenty of apologists) not as a man who wanted to limit the war, but as a product of the forces who aimed at world power status for Germany. (4) Most importantly, Fischer discovered the "September Memorandum" which spelled out the minimum war aims of the German civilian leadership (to overrun France and spread German power eastward by weakening Russia).
Fischer earned many critics because of his work. One weakness is that Fischer only studied German documents. To be fair, a similar exhaustive examination of the archives of the other belligerents would be an impossible task for any one historian. Fischer's work needs to be seen as a starting place not as a final assessment. The ramifications of this study on Germany are clear: it's obvious Germany was the most to blame for WWII. Having to also accept blame for WWI would be a hard pill to swallow.
50 of 58 people found the following review helpful.
exhaustive exploration of Germany's War Aims in WWI
By Boris Aleksandrovsky
Fritz Fisher "Germany's War Aims in the First World War" dwells on the tremendous amount of material collected primarily from the archives of the Central powers. It deals with one topic, and deals with it in methodical and exhaustive manner - a continuation of policy of War Aims of the Imperial Germany during the period immediately preceding and throughout the First World War. Germany, only united within the memory of the generation of 1914, was fighting the war not only for its rightful place as a European Great Power, but for a leading, pre-eminent place in the European and by extension the World balance of power. Germany was aiming to displace Britain as a traditional power broker in Europe, unite Austria-Hungary and other Central European powers in the economic and geo-political unit known as MittleEuropa, dominate Russia on its Eastern border and France on its Western. Bethman-Hollweg's (Chancellor for most of the War) vision of the post-war World was Germany dominating continental Europe, and 4 Great Powers (Germany, Britain, USA and Russia) sharing the World. France was to be eliminated as a World Power, Britain as a traditional European Power broker, and Russian desires for the warm sea port of Constantinople and expansion into Persian Golf to be forever denied.
Fisher shows an incredible tenacity, determination and consistency of the War Aims policy from 1914 until 1918. Clearly Germany is to be primarily blamed (perhaps together with Russia) for the outbreak of the war; but once the war started her aims never waived. Germany's War aims were essentially annexationist, aggressive and thriving for world dominance. With France she strived to no less then for elimination of that country as a Great Power, with Britain via annexation of Belgium, to deny it security of an external border and expel it from Europe; and with Russia to annex Poland and Baltic States and thus ensure future economic dependency. One can perhaps argue that by historical irony all this came to fruit after two world wars and 90 years of world conflict; but the verdict is clear that Germany was prepared and carried its policy to the bitter end without much regard of international law, civil liberty, conventions of honor and without much sense of humanity.
Fisher points out that essentially autocratic country, with under-developed democratic institutions, with traditions of Prussian militarism, sense of manifest destiny thriving for world dominance, sense of inferiority and ambiguity about its present position - all those complex causes united in German public opinion almost uniformly supporting the War effort and its government aggressive policies. When the end came, sense of betrayal, disappointment and failure catalyzed the war generation to create the seeds for the second conflict 20 years later.
Fisher's sources are primarily diplomatic correspondence, circular dispatches, minutes of the conferences of military and political leaders, speeches and such. The book is careful to use almost exclusively primary sources; thus ensuring accuracy and lack of bias. All throughout, there is a tremendous care taken by the author not to pass judgment and thrive towards the historical objectivity. It is perhaps a somewhat dry read, but, in my view, essential to understand the motivation of policy which God granted not ever to materialize.
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